{"id":1721,"date":"2026-10-15T14:31:32","date_gmt":"2026-10-15T14:31:32","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/amercanfirstfinance.com\/?p=1721"},"modified":"2026-10-15T14:31:32","modified_gmt":"2026-10-15T14:31:32","slug":"eu-and-gulf-council-postpone-joint-summit-as-houthi-missile-and-drone-attacks-shatter-regional-security","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/amercanfirstfinance.com\/?p=1721","title":{"rendered":"EU and Gulf Council Postpone Joint Summit as Houthi Missile and Drone Attacks Shatter Regional Security"},"content":{"rendered":"

RIYADH<\/strong> \u2014 The European Union and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) jointly announced Thursday that they have postponed a high-profile summit scheduled to take place in Saudi Arabia next week. The decision comes amid escalating safety concerns triggered by a surge of coordinated Houthi missile and drone strikes targeting critical civilian infrastructure and airports deep within the kingdom.<\/p>\n

Citing the "continued attempts by the terrorist Houthi militia to target the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and its civilian infrastructure, which threatens the security and safety of innocent civilians," the council confirmed that the diplomatic gathering will be rescheduled for a later date. <\/p>\n

The postponement reflects the rapidly deteriorating security landscape in the Gulf, driven by a violent escalation of hostilities between Yemen\u2019s Iran-backed Houthi rebels and the Saudi-backed government. Just hours before the announcement, the Houthi movement vowed to press forward with aggressive military operations targeting Saudi airports and energy facilities, fresh off a strike on the headquarters of state-owned oil giant Saudi Aramco.<\/p>\n

"Operations toward Saudi depths will continue in the coming days," declared Houthi military spokesman Yahya Saree. He described the targeted locations as "legitimate targets" and framed the campaign as a direct, retaliatory response to recent Saudi-led airstrikes inside Yemen. <\/p>\n

The renewed violence marks a dramatic collapse of a four-year informal cease-fire that had largely held since a United Nations-brokered truce in April 2022. The fragile peace unraveled in July following a series of skirmishes and airstrikes, quickly drawing energy into the broader geopolitical fallout of the ongoing U.S.-Iran conflict. <\/p>\n

In September, the Houthis claimed control over Perim Island, a strategically vital landmass sitting in the Bab el-Mandeb Strait\u2014a crucial maritime chokepoint for international trade and global energy supplies. The group subsequently seized several other islands along the Red Sea coastline in an effort to cement its regional posture. Fearing that an entrenched Houthi presence could severely constrain global shipping lanes and energy flows, Saudi-backed forces launched counter-offensives to recapture key territories around the strait in early October, prompting the rebels to refocus their military campaigns on Saudi infrastructure.<\/p>\n

The tit-for-tat escalation reached a dangerous peak on Tuesday night when a strike hit Aramco\u2019s executive offices in the eastern industrial city of Dhahran, sparking a limited fire confirmed by the Saudi Ministry of Energy. No casualties were reported from that specific strike, and TIME has reached out to both Aramco and the Saudi government\u2019s media office for further comment. <\/p>\n

However, Saudi authorities reported that several other incoming missiles and drones were intercepted across the kingdom, with falling debris injuring four people in the capital of Riyadh. The barrage followed a Saudi airstrike targeting an oil depot on the outskirts of Yemen’s capital, Sanaa, earlier on Tuesday.<\/p>\n

That Saudi action appeared to be retaliation for a devastating Houthi attack on Riyadh\u2019s King Khalid International Airport on Saturday, which killed 13 people and wounded more than 300. A subsequent projectile struck the same facility on Sunday, claiming another life, according to confirmations from Saudi Arabia\u2019s General Authority of Civil Aviation (GACA). A week prior, a similar strike on Abha International Airport left two people dead and 28 wounded.<\/p>\n

As the violence intensifies, Saudi Arabia\u2014the world’s leading importer of American weaponry, according to data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute\u2014faces difficult questions regarding its air defense capabilities. Analysts note that the kingdom is struggling to shield its vast territory from long-range projectile attacks. The Saudi border with Yemen spans more than 800 miles, making absolute interception nearly impossible.<\/p>\n

"Expecting a country the size of Saudi Arabia to intercept every missile is simply unrealistic. No defense can guarantee complete protection," observed Ali Shihabi, a prominent Saudi analyst, in an online statement. <\/p>\n

The fallout has severely disrupted regional transportation. Operations at King Khalid International Airport remain suspended, and international carriers including Etihad Airways, Qatar Airways, and Philippine Airlines have halted flights to Riyadh. Meanwhile, the U.S. Embassy in Riyadh has issued security alerts warning American citizens of potential flight cancellations, airspace closures, and severe travel disruptions, while mandating that U.S. government personnel secure special authorization to use any airport in the kingdom.<\/p>\n

President Donald Trump weighed in on the crisis via social media on Tuesday, writing that the Houthis "are behaving very badly." He added, "I thought they learned their lesson a year ago when we bombed the hell out of them and, at their request, stopped"\u2014an apparent reference to U.S. military strikes in early 2025 that were launched in response to Houthi attacks on commercial shipping in the Red Sea. Those strikes concluded after an Omani-mediated cease-fire agreement.<\/p>\n

When asked by reporters whether the United States might join Saudi Arabia in launching new military strikes against the rebels, a senior U.S. official told TIME that Washington remains "in continuous dialogue with Saudi Arabia and the Republic of Yemen Government regarding regional stability and we will always fulfill our commitments to our partners."<\/p>\n

\n

Who are the Houthis?<\/h3>\n

The Houthis are a prominent political and armed movement in Yemen that emerged in the 1990s. Initially taking shape as a revivalist movement for Zaidism\u2014a branch of Shiite Islam whose adherents comprise roughly 35% of Yemen\u2019s population\u2014the group began as the Believing Youth Forum, according to the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. <\/p>\n

The movement eventually adopted the name of its founder and first leader, Hussein al-Houthi. After he was killed by Yemeni government forces in 2004, the group transformed into a heavily militarized insurgent organization under the leadership of his brother, Abdul-Malik al-Houthi. <\/p>\n

A full-scale civil war erupted in 2014 when Houthi forces seized control of the capital, Sanaa, compelling the internationally recognized government to flee south to Aden. For over a decade, the group has fought against a Saudi-led coalition backing the Yemeni government, ultimately consolidating control over most of Western Yemen, including Sanaa.<\/p>\n

Human rights organizations and regional experts frequently compare the internal governance of Houthi-controlled territories to authoritarian regimes, citing sweeping social restrictions and documented human rights abuses, particularly regarding the suppression of women and girls.<\/p>\n

"The Houthis are dominated with very ideological and radical ideas, like a Zaidi ISIS. They have similarities also with the Taliban in terms of social control," explains Mahmoud Shehrah, a Yemeni political analyst at the London-based Chatham House think tank.<\/p>\n

\n

How are the Houthi rebels linked to Iran?<\/h3>\n

The Houthi movement maintains deep ideological, financial, and military ties to Iran, frequently aligning its operations with Tehran’s broader regional strategy. <\/p>\n

\"Who<\/figure>\n

"Since 2009, Iran started to speed up weapons supplies, training, but also a lot of funding to the Houthis," notes Farea Al-Muslimi, a Yemeni research fellow at Chatham House, tracing the foundation of the relationship back to the 1990s.<\/p>\n

Widely regarded as a key pillar of Iran\u2019s regional proxy network\u2014often referred to as the "Axis of Resistance"\u2014the Houthis operate alongside allied groups such as Lebanon’s Hezbollah and the Islamic Resistance network in Iraq. <\/p>\n

Following the outbreak of the Israel-Hamas war, the Yemeni militia launched numerous attacks on commercial vessels navigating the Red Sea, causing severe disruptions to global supply chains throughout late 2023 and 2024. This prompted retaliatory airstrikes from U.S. and British forces. In March, the Houthis directly intervened in the broader regional conflict by firing a barrage of ballistic missiles toward southern Israel. <\/p>\n

Experts emphasize that the Houthis have grown increasingly vital to Tehran’s strategic calculations, particularly following major geopolitical shifts in the Middle East. <\/p>\n

"With the fall of Assad, with the weakening of Hezbollah, the Houthis became the most important regional ally Iran has," Al-Muslimi states, highlighting the group’s unique capability to project power and disrupt maritime trade.<\/p>\n

However, international relations scholars caution against viewing the group as a simple, direct proxy. <\/p>\n

"The Houthis are one of the more independent regional allies of Iran in the Middle East. They have their own independent interests, even though their interests converge regionally and globally," explains Fawaz Gerges, a professor of international relations at the London School of Economics.<\/p>\n

\n

What do the Houthis want?<\/h3>\n

The strategic objectives of the Houthi movement have evolved alongside broader regional developments. According to analysts, the group’s primary ambition is to establish itself as an undisputed regional power. <\/p>\n

Within the context of Yemen’s civil war, the Houthis demand an end to what they characterize as a suffocating Saudi blockade on ports and airports within their territories. They seek the full reopening of Yemeni airspace and maritime ports to commerce, goods, and services, which would allow revenue to flow directly into their governing apparatus.<\/p>\n

This economic pressure comes at a devastating humanitarian cost. The United Nations reports that half of the population in government-controlled areas of Yemen faces acute food insecurity. <\/p>\n

"The current situation is very dire for the Yemeni population, but also for the ability of the Houthis to rule Yemen effectively," Gerges notes. "The Houthis want to consolidate rule and regime. They want to be recognized as the legitimate government in Sanaa, as opposed to being considered a non-state actor."<\/p>\n

\n

When did the Houthis and Saudi Arabia begin fighting again?<\/h3>\n

The four-year informal truce brokered by the United Nations in April 2022 collapsed in July after mutual accusations of violations. The breakdown occurred after the Houthis claimed that Saudi-led coalition forces launched airstrikes targeting Sanaa Airport as a Houthi delegation was returning from Iran. In response, the rebels resumed ballistic missile launches toward Saudi territory.<\/p>\n

"The Houthis saw this as a golden opportunity to change the balance of power against Saudi Arabia and Yemen itself and launch a lightning offensive," Gerges explains.<\/p>\n

Subsequent coalition airstrikes on Houthi positions prompted the militia to intensify its campaign against Saudi oil refineries and critical infrastructure, eventually expanding the target set to include commercial and international airports across the kingdom.<\/p>\n

\n

Why are the Houthis attacking Saudi airports?<\/h3>\n

Attacks on aviation infrastructure have long served as a signature tactic for the Houthi movement. In June 2019, the group launched a high-profile drone strike on Abha International Airport that injured at least 26 people\u2014an action that drew widespread international condemnation and was classified as a potential war crime by Human Rights Watch.<\/p>\n

By renewing attacks on major facilities like Riyadh\u2019s King Khalid International Airport, the Houthis aim to exert maximum economic, political, and psychological pressure on the Saudi leadership.<\/p>\n

"The Houthis want to put severe pressure on the Saudi Arabia economy, airport infrastructure, and security," Shehrah says. "They want to squeeze Saudi Arabia’s arms to push them to a political settlement."<\/p>\n

The campaign directly threatens the political standing and modernization initiatives of Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, who has aggressively sought to position the kingdom as a secure, stable investment and tourism hub. <\/p>\n

"It’s a shock, because it’s the first time in years that such major attacks have targeted deep inside Saudi Arabia," Gerges concludes. "The Houthis are trying to exert tremendous pressure on the leaders of Saudi Arabia to force them to accept conditions for lifting the blockade on Yemen and recognizing their legitimacy. Although, I doubt that the Saudi leadership will concede to Houthi demands… this would be seen as a surrender and humiliation."<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

RIYADH \u2014 The European Union and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) jointly announced Thursday that they have postponed a high-profile summit scheduled to take place in Saudi Arabia next week. The decision comes amid escalating safety concerns triggered by a surge of coordinated Houthi missile and drone strikes targeting critical civilian infrastructure and airports deep […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":25,"featured_media":1720,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[3],"tags":[1687,6,2384,2388,4,2383,1683,2386,2387,5,7,2385,950,567,2389,1317],"class_list":["post-1721","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-personal-finance","tag-attacks","tag-budgeting","tag-council","tag-drone","tag-finance","tag-gulf","tag-houthi","tag-joint","tag-missile","tag-money","tag-personal-finance","tag-postpone","tag-regional","tag-security","tag-shatter","tag-summit"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/amercanfirstfinance.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1721","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/amercanfirstfinance.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/amercanfirstfinance.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/amercanfirstfinance.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/25"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/amercanfirstfinance.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=1721"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/amercanfirstfinance.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1721\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/amercanfirstfinance.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/1720"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/amercanfirstfinance.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=1721"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/amercanfirstfinance.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=1721"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/amercanfirstfinance.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=1721"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}